Note: Due to the length of the article, it is divided into two parts. This is the first part of it.
"Pakistan is China’s Israel."
General Xiong Guangkai, February 2015.[1]
This
statement from China’s People Liberation Army (PLA) General[2] is
a result of 53 years long Sino-Pakistani strategic relation, a vital relation,
which both states claim to be higher than Himalayas, deeper than the deepest
ocean, sweeter than the honey and stronger than the steel. This relation has
survived China’s transition from Maoism to market economy, shifting
cross-currents of the two countries relationships with United States and India
and the rise of Islamic militancy in the region.[3] This
strategic relation was established on the common enmity with India. Though,
this enmity started as a result of Pakistan and China’s conflict of interest
with India on border demarcation. But with the passage of time China needs a
stabilizing factor to counter India in the region so as to continue its
transformation from regional power to a global power and there was no other
country suitable for this purpose in the region except Pakistan. Moreover, Pakistan
also needs military, moral and diplomatic support in the region, so as to
secure its territorial integrity from its inherited foe, India and to counter
Indian hegemony in the region. Therefore this common enemy, India, has provided
a strong foundation stone for Sino-Pakistani strategic relation to progress
over a period of 67 years. With each
passing year new manifestations has been defined in security, diplomatic and economic
sectors in this strategic relation but CPEC adds a new dimension, commercial economy,
that will not only increase this cooperation but will also strengthen the
existing one.
The
journey of all-weather friendship has been tortuous but Pakistan has the
distinction to be among the first country to recognize People’s Republic of
China and also the first Muslim country.[4] However,
in 50’s Pakistan did not share brotherly relations with China and making
ideological differences as base, as a declarative policy, Pakistan became part
of Western pact SEATO, particularly signed to counter China. As Francis Pike
reports Quaid-e-Azam’s statement in his book “Empires at War-A Short History of
Modern Asia Since World War II”.
“Pakistan is a democracy and communism cannot flourish in the soil
of Islam.” [5]
Though
the statement was for Russia but it does have a message for China. In the same
era, China and India were having close relations and an Indian phrase ‘Hindi
Chini Bahi Bahi’, meaning ‘Indians and Chinese are brothers’ gained
importance.[6]
As Andrew Small in his book “The China-Pakistan Axis: Asia’s New Geopolitics” narrated
the warmness of India-China friendship in following words: “Beijing’s
bed-fellow in the early 50’s was India, its anti-colonial, non-aligned neighbor
across the Himalayas.” However, Beijing and New Delhi friendship could not last
long due to Soviet-Sino separation and China-India failed negotiations over
their border. This lead to Ladakh skirmishes between India and China in 1959.
Initially, Pakistan kept itself aloof from the Sino-Indian developments and
President of Pakistan, Ayub Khan, considered it to be solely Indian problem.
But Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, head of Pakistan’s delegation to UN, realized the
importance of relations with China and asked Ayub Khan to take this development
as an opportunity.[7]
Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto also abstained from voting against Beijing’s membership to
UN, though previously being a member of western camp, Pakistan had been voting
against mainland China. Later on, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto used his discretionary
powers and sends a signal to China to question New Delhi’s standing over the
Ladhak skirmishes.[8]
It was 1962 Sino-Indian war that provided Pakistan an opportunity to reconsider
its policy towards China. This development created two opinions in Pakistani
camp; with or without China. But Pakistan availed this opportunity and
approached China. Pakistan negotiated its border demarcation with China and signed
an agreement in 1963 that was clearly in the favor of Pakistan.
This agreement formed the basis of strategic relations between
China and Pakistan, as with this agreement Pakistan secured its territories along
the Pakistan China border, which included six of seven passes that were close
to Line of Actual Control.[9]
This development was against Indian interest, as it has not only made India’s
north-western frontier insecure but has also diverted its attention from
Pakistan. Pakistan and China strengthened their relations by signing Air Aviation
Agreement in March 1963 and for the first time a non-communist airline landed
on a communist land.[10]
This was indeed a pragmatic approach from Pakistan that immediately benefited
Islamabad two years after in 1965 .1965 was the year to test the Pakistan-US
friendship but it proved to be untrustworthy and United States cut off military
aid to both Pakistan and India. Being a US partner in containing communism, Pakistan
was not expecting this policy of neutrality from US. Unlike United States,
China emerged as a true friend of Pakistan. China not only deployed its troops along
the China-India Sikkim and Ladakh border in order to put pressure on India but
also went one step ahead and decided to intervene on Pakistan’s behalf if India
entered East Pakistan and that Pakistan has asked China to intervene.[11] In
the initial days of war Chinese Foreign Minister, Chen Yi, came to Karachi and
has ensured that China backs Pakistan’s ‘just Actions’.[12] Moreover,
China also reached agreements with Pakistan and Indonesia for the joint supply
of military equipment for Pakistan’s need of tanks, recoilless guns, shells and
aircraft.[13]
According to Andrew Small, 1965 war proved as a catalyst for Pakistan- China
friendship but in 1971 China did not play the same role due to Indo-Soviet
Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation in August 9, 1971 and border
skirmishes that China had with USSR in 1969.[14]
Though US were in support of China’s intervention and has ensured Beijing to
back militarily in case of Soviet intervention. Andrew Small wrote that
President Nixon said to Henry Kissinger: “He “strongly” wanted to encourage
Chinese action-I am convinced that if the Chinese start moving the Indians will
be petrified”. He also gave his assent to Kissinger on 8 December to convey to
Zhou Enlai stating: “If you are ever going to move, this is the time.”[15]
But despite these assurances Chinese remain pragmatic and did not take any
serious steps against India. However, Beijing continues to supply arms to
Pakistan. Though, 1971 was not a pleasing year for Pakistan, with the fall of
Dhaka, but the developments in the following years, added to the Pakistan-China
strategic relations.
[1] Andrew Small, The China-Pakistan Axis: Asia’s
New Geopolitics, (Hurst & Company, London,2007),Page 1
[2]
General Xiong Guangkai, Retired Deputy Chief of Staff of Peoples Liberation
Army, Chairman of Chinese Institute of Security Studies.
[3] Small, The China-Pakistan Axis, Page 2
[4] Small, The China-Pakistan Axis, Page 19
[5] Quaid-e-Azam
Muhammad Ali Jinnah while addressing cabinet on September 7,1947
[6] Small, The China-Pakistan Axis, Page 20
[7] Small, The China-Pakistan Axis, Page 24
[8]
Small, The China-Pakistan Axis, Page 24
[9]
Small, The China-Pakistan Axis, Page 24
[10] Rizwan
Zeb, PAKISTAN-CHINA RELATIONS: WHERE THEY GO FROM HERE? (UNISCI Discussion
Papers, Nº 29, May 2012), Page 49, https://revistas.ucm.es/index.php/UNIS/article/viewFile/40659/38981.
[11] Small, The China-Pakistan Axis, Page 18
[12]
Small, The China-Pakistan Axis, Page 18
[13]
Small, The China-Pakistan Axis, Page 18
[14]
Indo-Soviet Relations, Page12,http://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/16826/8/08_chapter%201.pdf
[15]
Small, The China-Pakistan Axis, Page 11
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